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Video playback is a very popular leisure activity with over two billion users worldwide (Newzoo, 2017). However, the media and professionals have highlighted the potential dangers of extreme video games. With the current research, we aim to clarify the relationship between video games and the mental performance of players. A list of questions about personality and mental health and video play habits were given to 2,734 people (2,377 males, 357 females, Mage = 23.06, SDage = 5.91). The results revealed a negative medium-size correlation between the video game problem and mental functioning in terms of symptoms, affections, coping, and self-esteem. In addition, the players' motives for play and the types of game they liked were in contrast to the mind-blowing findings that were most noticeable for distracted players and action game players. Future studies are needed to determine if these mental health risks reflect the causes or effects of video playback.
Introduction
Video play is a popular pastime among adults (Pew Research Center, 2018). The time spent playing video games has grown steadily, from 5.1 h / week in 2011 to 6.5 h / week in 2017 (Nielsen Company, 2017). Video games are known to have some benefits such as improving focus, performing more tasks, and working memory, but they can also be costly if used extensively. By spending most of the day's games, extreme video players are at risk of showing lower access to education and work, problems with peers, and low social skills (Mihara and Higuchi, 2017). On the other hand, the use of video game is widespread, and it may come with some backgrounds and consequences. On the other hand, little is known about the relationship between the various video game practices and mental performance. This study aimed to shed light on this important relationship using a large sample.
A video game is defined as “a game we play thanks to an audio and visual machine that can be based on a story” (Esposito, 2005). Over the past few years, the number of scientific studies devoted to video game play has increased (e.g., Ferguson, 2015; Calvert et al., 2017; Hamari and Keronen, 2017). Most of the science studies in this area of study focus on the level of video game play and its various relationships. While some researchers have emphasized the benefits of game play and have even suggested the use of video games (Primack et al., 2012; Granic et al., 2014; Colder Carras et al., 2018), others have been amazed at its effectiveness. accidents (Anderson et al., 2010; Müller and Wölfling, 2017).
Parents and professionals may be concerned that their children who are hyperactive are “addicted.” However, the problematic and potentially addictive video game use exceeds the level of play (hours per week; Skoric et al., 2009). It also includes issues such as cravings, loss of control, and the negative effects of multiple games. While it is still controversial that the problem video game should be considered a moral addiction, its status as a mental disorder has been clarified since the release of DSM-5 in 2013. In DSM-5, American Psychiatric Association. (2013) described Internet Gaming Disorder with diagnostic conditions closely related to Gambling Disorder. In general, this decision has been supported by many researchers (e.g., Petry et al., 2014) but it has also caused controversy. Researchers have criticized the choice of diagnostic procedures and the vague definition of Internet Gaming Disorder, which does not include offline games that are related to addictive use (e.g., Griffiths et al., 2016; Bean et al., 2017).
Numerous studies, book reviews, and meta-analyzes have focused on the interaction of problem video games, often explored as a continuation of addiction that marks the end of a scale (e.g., Ferguson et al., 2011; Kuss and Griffiths, 2012). The level of use of addictive video game has been found to be related to personality traits such as insecurity (Ko et al., 2005) and self-efficacy (Jeong and Kim, 2011), anxiety, and aggression (Mehroof and Griffiths, 2010), and even clinical signs of depression and anxiety (Wang et al., 2018). Potential effects of video game use have also been identified, such as the lack of real friends (Kowert et al., 2014a), stress and coping (Milani et al., 2018), low mental well-being and loneliness. (Lemmens et al., 2011), psychosomatic disorders (Müller et al., 2015; Milani et al., 2018), and reduced educational achievement (Chiu et al., 2004; Gentile, 2009). Outcome sizes vary widely across studies (Ferguson et al., 2011). Gender and age differences appear to be related to video game behavior: video games may be more problematic and found to be more prevalent among men than women (e.g., Greenberg et al., 2010; Estévez et al., 2017), and among younger people. game players (Rehbein et al., 2016).
In addition to looking at the problem of video game use and its relation to mental functioning, it is also appropriate to focus on why people play video games. Players use video games for very different reasons (Ryan et al., 2006; Yee, 2006) such as distraction from everyday problems or because they enjoy the social relationships they have produced in the visual world. Potential video games have been found to be related to a variety of gaming reasons such as coping with the escape (Hussain and Griffiths, 2009; Schneider et al., 2018), socialization (Laconi et al., 2017), and personal satisfaction (Ng and Wiemer-Hastings, 2005 ). Coping (Laconi et al., 2017), social interaction, and competition were among the major causes of play among men but not among women (Lucas and Sherry, 2004). Mixed results emerged regarding age differences (Greenberg et al., 2010), but especially young gamers appear to be motivated by video games through social interaction (Hilgard et al., 2013). However, so far it is not clear that people's various reasons for playing video games are related differently to their mental performance.
In addition to examining the links between video game use that may be problematic and mental performance and between the reasons for playing video games and mental performance, it is also worth looking at what types of game people like. The popular relationship of certain game genres (e.g., imitation, strategy, action, role play) develops the mind (Dobrowolski et al., 2015; Bediou et al., 2018), but also the time spent playing (Lemmens and Hendriks, 2016; Rehbein et al. , 2016) and psychopathological symptoms (Laconi et al., 2017). Men have been shown to prefer action and strategy games, while women have been shown to prefer skill games (Scharkow et al., 2015; Rehbein et al., 2016). Younger players seem to prefer action games, older players more skill games (Scharkow et al., 2015). However, it is not yet clear how the preferences of certain types of video games are differently related to mental functioning.
Typically, research focuses on violent video games (e.g., Anderson and Bushman, 2001; Elson and Ferguson, 2014) or a specific game within a particular genre (usually World of Warcraft; Graham and Gosling, 2013; Visser et al. ., 2013; Herodotou et al., 2014), thereby ignoring the variety of game modes that may be present in different game modes.
In the present study, our aim was to examine the relationship between video playback and mental performance in a refined way. For this purpose, we assessed mental functioning through a variety of variables such as psychological symptoms, coping strategies, and social support. Similarly, we have examined video games in the same way with similar details, ranging from (a) the use of problem video game, (b) the reasons for playing, to (c) the popular game types. This strategy has prevented us from engaging in potentially unconventional practices regarding video playback in general and has allowed us to explore play habits and the sequential relationships between such practices and the various sets of different elements that represent the functioning of the mind.
Excessive playing of video games should attract less mentally active people because games allow people to avoid their daily problems and instead immerse themselves elsewhere (Taquet et al., 2017). In addition, video games give people the opportunity to interact with other people in the community in spite of any of the most obvious psychological problems they may have (Kowert et al., 2014b; Mazurek et al., 2015). On the other hand, potentially problematic video game use can lead to psychological problems because it reduces the time and number of opportunities players get to practice real behavior (Gentile, 2009). Therefore, we expected to find a negative correlation between problem video playback and flexibility representing mental functioning so much so that we expected the use of potentially more problematic video game to be related to ineffective coping strategies (Wood and Griffith, 2007), having a negative impact (Mathiak et al., 2011) , and poor school performance (Mihara and Higuchi, 2017). In addition, we expected to find a different link between people's reasons for playing video games and their mental performance: Playing escape-focused reasons such as distraction should be accompanied by different indicators of mental abuse (Király et al., 2015), while playing for profit-based reasons such as story or social media. is related to adequate mental functioning (Longman et al., 2009). Also, we expected to find game types that people prefer (e.g., strategy, action) to relate differently to their mental functioning (Park et al., 2016). Finally, we aimed to clarify the unique contribution of each level of mental performance in predicting the use of problem video game.
Materials and methods
Participants1
A total of N = 2,891 people (2,421 males, 470 females) aged 23.17 (SD = 5.99, Width: 13–65) participated in our study. Of these participants, N = 2,734 (95%) confirmed their use of video games and were included in the additional analysis (2,377 males, 357 females, 23.06 years of age; SD = 5.91, Width: 13-65). Distribution of participants in terms of sex and age reflects findings from previous studies with men and adolescents who may have played video games (e.g., Griffiths et al., 2004). The participants' accommodation was in Germany.
Process and Tools2
We have posted links to our online questionnaire on various online forums and popular online game sites. In order to achieve sample diversity, there are no terms of release other than access to the Internet and a clear German understanding. As an incentive to participate in the study, four € 50 vouchers were confiscated.
Potential video game usage may be problematic
AICA-S, Scale for the Assessment of Internet and Computer Game Addiction (Wölfling et al., 2016), was used to assess participants' sports behavior regarding potentially problematic use. Based on the DSM process of Internet Gaming Disorder (tolerance, cravings, loss of control, emotional control, withdrawal, and unsuccessful mitigation efforts), this standardized reporting scale consists of 15 items typically scoring five points from 1 (never) to 5 (often). The final score (Min = 0, Max = 27 points) is calculated using weight points (items with a combined total> 0.55 in the standard sample is twice the weight; Wölfling et al., 2011). AICA-S School can be used to distinguish between common points (0–6.5 points) and problematic use of video games (7–13 points: abuse; 13.5–27 points: addiction). In our sample, N = 2,265 (83%) were identified as normal players, and N = 469 (17%) as problem gamblers. We used AICA-S as a continuous variable in all continuous analyzes (M = 3.98, SD = 3.22, Width: 0–24). The tool has been validated for different age groups in general and clinical samples (Müller et al., 2014a, 2019, but note the small sample size; Müller et al., 2014b). Cronbach's alpha was α = 0.70. As expected, the AICA-S score was associated with masculinity (r = 0.17 ∗∗∗) and age (r = 00.15 ∗∗∗). On average, participants played video games of M = 4.09 hours per day per week (SD = 4.44, Range: 0–24), and M = 4.21 h per day on weekends (SD = 2.99, Range: 0–24).
Reasons to play
Players have shown how often they play video games for a number of reasons. They rated each of the 10 causes separately on a Likert scale ranging from 1 (never) to 4 (often). The most common reasons were rest (M = 2.96, SD = 0.91), entertainment (M = 2.94, SD = 0.85), and because of the story line (M = 2.67, SD = 1.10).
Game types
Game players are asked how often they play sub-genres of various video games such as first-person shooter, round-the-clock strategy, multiplayer online multiplayer games (MMORPGs), life simulations, and more. Ratings were made on a Likert scale ranging from 1 (never) to 4 (often). Using the Apperley (2006) category of game genres, we categorize it into action genres (M = 2.54, SD = 0.84), strategy (M = 2.13, SD = 0.80), role play (M = 2.01, SD = 0.73), and imitation (M = 1.58, SD = 0.44). A set of unlisted subspecies (M = 1.54, SD = 0.39) has been added to account for subspecies such as jump'n'runs and skill games. Descriptive statistics and correlations for all measurements (including gender and age) are presented in Appendix T1 S1 – S4.
Mental Function
Participants provided estimates of their mental performance in the following structures:
Normal psychopathology
SCL-K-9 (Klaghofer and Brähler, 2001), a short version of SCL-90-R (Derogatis, 1975), was administered to assess participants' independent disability in relation to psychological symptoms (somatization, obsessive-compulsive, personal sensitivity, depression, anxiety, hatred, phobic anxiety, paranoid perceptions, and psychology). The SCL-K-9 score is closely related to the actual SCL-90-R score (r = 0.93). 9 items were answered on a 5-point Likert rating scale from 1 (totally disagree) to 5 (totally agree). Cronbach's alpha was satisfactory (α = 0.77).
Dealing with it
We explored 10 coping strategies with Brief COPE (Carver, 1997; German version of Knoll et al., 2005), which is a shorter version of COPE (Carver et al., 1989): self-harm, denial, drug use, withdrawal openness, self-criticism, disrespect for morals, acceptance, coping, planning, and good redesign. Two items per subscale were controlled on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 (never) to 5 (often). The correlation of the two items on a small scale ranging from r = 0.32, p <0.001 for positive re-insertion to r = 0.78, p <0.001 drug use (except for one: r = 00.05, p = 0.01 per dose).
Impact
We measured the normal effect as a factor and had an effect during video playback as a region using the German version (Krohne et al., 1996) of the Good and Bad Touch Schedule (PANAS; Watson et al., 1988). On a 5-point rating of Likert type from 1 (not at all) to 5 (totally), participants rated the density of 20 adjectives. Cronbach's alpha was α = 0.78 with normal positive touch, α = 0.83 with normal negative touch, α = 0.85 for positive effect while playing, and α = 0.83 with negative touch while playing.
Shame
The embarrassment test for adults (Asendorpf, 1997) consists of 5 items that were answered on a Likert type scale of 5 points from 1 (not at all) to 5 (completely). Cronbach's alpha was very good (α = 0.86).
Loneliness
Managed the German version (Elbing, 1991) of the NYU Loneliness Scale (Rubenstein and Shaver, 1982). 4 items were answered on a Likert type rating of 5 to 6 points. Cronbach's alpha was satisfactory (α = 0.79).
Prefer to be alone
A 10-item rating for solitary choice (Nestler et al., 2011) was answered on a Likert-type scale of 6 points from 1 (not at all) to 6 (completely). Cronbach's alpha was very good (α = 0.86).
Satisfaction with health
Participants responded with a single life satisfaction rating on a Likert type rating of 4 points from 1 (not at all) to 4 (completely).
Confidence
We handled the German version (von Collani and Herzberg, 2003) of the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES; Rosenberg, 1979). 10 items were answered on a Likert type 4 scale from 1 (not at all) to 4 (completely). Cronbach's alpha was very good (α = 0.88).
Do it yourself
We used a standard 10-item self-scaling scale (Schwarzer and Jerusalem, 1995), which was answered on a 4-point Likert scale from 1 (not at all) to 4 (totally). Cronbach's alpha was very good (α = 0.86).
Community and friends support
We have managed a perceived scale of social support available from the Berlin Social Support Scales (BSSS; Schwarzer and Schulz, 2003). 8 items were answered on a Likert type rating of 5 points from 1 (not at all) to 5 (completely). Cronbach's alpha was very good (α = 0.94). Participants indicated how many offline friends and acquaintances were offline (r = 0.44, p <0.001) and how many online friends and acquaintances they had (r = 0.33, p <0.001). Due to the left-sided distribution, we created data via logarithm before merging.
Grades
Participants reported an average point score. German grades are tested on a scale from 1 (excellent) to 6 (insufficient). Thus, high scores indicate very bad marks.
Participants also reported their gender and age. Both were used as control changes in further analysis.
It is refreshing
In the first step, we computerized the zero-order relationship between video game variables and mental performance ratings. In the second step, we created a computer-related component in which we control sex and age because previous studies have repeatedly shown that gender and age are associated with both video games (Homer et al., 2012; Mihara and Higuchi, 2017) and psychological functioning. (Kessler et al., 2007; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2012). Finally, we examined the unique contribution of each level of mental performance in predicting video games that could be problematic. Therefore, we have listed the strongest deficit video games that can be problematic as dependent variations and gender, age, and mental performance ratings as predictions (simultaneously included in retrospective statistics). Through this process, we were able to determine the impact each variable had on the other. For example, we can determine whether conventional psychopathology predicted the use of a video game that could be problematic when the impact of all other distinct things (e.g., embarrassment, loneliness, etc.) was constantly maintained.
Additionally, we have included an analysis of gender and age differences in the link between video games and psychology. Having collected a sample of our choice where the opposite sex and age groups were not equally represented, our findings are the first, but may encourage future research.
Results
Potential Video Game Usage and Mental Function
First, we examined whether the use of a video game that might have been problematic was related to various variations in mental functioning. As can be seen in Table 1, the results of the zero order relationship were similar to those of the relative component where we control gender and age. Good relationships between medium size and potentially problematic use of video games have emerged with the presence of psychological symptoms including depression, anxiety, and hostility. In addition, a number of coping strategies have been linked to the potentially problematic use of video games: Criticism and isolation have shown strong relationships that may be problematic in video game use, followed by denial, acceptance, drug use, distraction, and exhalation. . Scheduling, efficient operation, and, to a lesser extent, good refinement were negatively associated with the potentially problematic use of video games. In addition, the association with the use of the video game that may have been problematic was negative on the positive positive effects as well as the positive and large size of the common negative impact. However, the use of a video game that may have been problematic was clearly associated with your experience of both positive and negative impact while playing. Additionally, solitude, shame, and loneliness were closely related to the potentially harmful use of video games. Low self-esteem, low quality of life, and, to a lesser extent, poorly thoughtful social support and low self-esteem go hand in hand with the use of a video game that can be problematic. There has been a connection between a few offline friends and acquaintances but more online connections that have the potential to play video games. Finally, poor performance in school (i.e., high school) was related to the potentially problematic use of video games. These results suggest that video playback that may be problematic is associated with mental retardation and vice versa.
Reasons to Play Video Games and Mental Performance
Second, we investigated whether the players' reasons for playing video games were directly related to mental performance fluctuations. Table 2 presents the partial relationship, which controls gender and age. Using video games to relieve stress was clearly linked to a higher level of psychological symptoms. Disturbed gamers prefer coping strategies such as self-criticism, self-control, self-distraction, denial, drug use, openness, and acceptance, but neglected to deal with effective planning. They have shown little positive touch and negative impact both in general and during play and very positive impact while playing. The players also reported low self-esteem and low satisfaction in life, loneliness, loneliness, shyness, lack of self-esteem and social support, and poor academic performance. The same but slightly overshadowed image was presented by video game players so that there was something they could talk about. However, these players have reported many online connections. Gaming players who have played video games to improve their real-life skills and reported more online connections. In addition, these players show high levels of general positive impact. The strongest connections with online friends and acquaintances have arisen, as might be expected, from gamers who have played as a result of social interactions in the physical world. While all the reasons for playing video games were related to having a positive impact during play, the strongest organizations emerged from gamers who played because of social interactions, stimulating their imagination, and curiosity. Interestingly, for gamers who played video games for the sake of story and relaxation, it was only related to the good but not to the negative touch while playing. Reasons for play were only related to weakness and age (see Appendix S2). All in all, a few reasons for playing video games were associated differently with mental performance.
Type of video game and mental performance
Third, we examined whether the preferences of the players for the different types of video game were differently related to mental performance standards. Table 3 shows the partial relationship in which we control sex and age. There has been a weak link between common psychological symptoms and all kinds of video game we have investigated without any tricks. Action game preferences had very strong correlations with impact while playing. Thus, action games seem to be rewarding and a source of frustration. Preferred action games are associated with poor performance at school. Gaming players who prefer role-playing games have a higher self-esteem and preference for solitude and low self-esteem; they also reported a few offline communications. In contrast, the popularity of the non-offline category games is accompanied by a large number of offline friends and a positive impact, both while playing and in general. Two game modes (i.e., role-playing and undivided games) were related to a strategy to deal with distractions. Because the type of game selected was related to participants' sex (see Table of Supplementary S3), we had a detailed look at the relationship between the popular sport and psychological functioning of both genders: For Men (n = 2,377), the strongest correlation between general psychopathology and genre the game is characterized by action (r = 0.08, p <0.001), followed by role play (r = 0.07, p <0.01), and undivided (r = 0.07, p <0.01). In women (n = 357), a stronger relationship between conventional psychopathology and game type emerged for simulation (r = 0.17, p <0.01). Differences were also found regarding the strength of the relationship between the number of online friends and the act of type: r = 0.06, p <0.01 for men, and r = 0.27, p <0.001 for women. Similarly, the preferred game type was related to the age of the participants (see Appendix S3). However, there were only differences in the relationship between mental functioning and game type, in which the variance was analyzed by different age groups (<19 years, n = 557; 19–30 years, n = 1916;> 31 years, n = 261) . Overall, our results speak to the idea that people with different levels of mental functioning differ in their choice of game types and vice versa.
Predicting Video Game Use That May Be Problematic With Mental Performance Flexibility
In the last step, we included all the variables of the investigated psychological function and gender and age as predictions for the potential use of video games. Through this process, we have been able to determine the unique contribution of the variability of each mental function in which the impact of all other variables is constantly captured. As Table 4 shows, the number of online friends and acquaintances and the positive impact while playing highly predicts the use of a video game that can be problematic above all other variables. General psychopathology, lack of offline communication, and poor school performance have been weak but still appropriate predictions for using a video game that may be problematic.
Conversation
With this study, we aimed to clarify the association of different video game habits with the psychological performance of the players. Using a large sample, our results revealed a correlation between potential video game use and psychological malpractice in relation to common psychological symptoms, maladaptive coping strategies, negative impact, low self-esteem, and selective solitude. such as poor school performance. These findings are consistent with those of previous works (e.g., Kuss and Griffiths, 2012; Milani et al., 2018). Also, the reasons for playing video games were separately linked to mental functioning and the most obvious results of the opposite escape with the focus on gain. Specifically, disruptive games are associated with higher levels of symptoms, lower self-esteem, and more negative impact, while playing to establish social relationships in the physical world was associated with a greater number of online connections and positive impact while playing. Moreover, there has been only a weak relationship between popular game types and mental performance. The type of action games was associated with the strongest levels of touch while playing. These results for reasons and types may help to explain the contradictory findings of previous studies, because in our work we have explored different reasons for playing, a few game types, and different aspects of mental functioning at the same time. Lastly, the positive impact while playing and the large number of online friends were powerful predictions of video game use that could be problematic, followed by psychological symptoms, lack of offline communication, and poor performance at school. These findings suggest that, on the other hand, in addition to personal psychological factors, entertainment during play (i.e., having a positive impact, communicating with friends online) may be associated with potentially problematic use of video games. On the other hand, mental retardation seems to be a unique risk factor for video play that can be problematic.
The results presented are often related to previous work that identified the link between video play and mental health, educational problems, and social problems (Ferguson et al., 2011; Müller et al., 2015). However, our research went beyond previous research by providing an in-depth analysis of both video game behaviors (including potentially problematic use, play reasons, and preferred game type) and psychological functioning (including psychological symptoms, coping styles, impulses, and individual-related variables). and their social environment). In addition, we have identified various predictions for video game usage that may be problematic.
How the findings of the different relationships between video games and the various indicators of mental performance may be possible - from beneficial effects (Latham et al., 2013) to adverse effects (Barlett et al., 2009; Möller and Krahé, 2009; Anderson et al., 2010) - incorporated ? According to Kanfer and Phillips (1970), problematic behavior (e.g., excessive video play) can be understood as a function of status (e.g., peer pressure); body (e.g., low self-esteem); a person’s thoughts, body reactions, and emotions (e.g., sadness, anger); and finally, short- and long-term behavioral outcomes (called the SORKC model). Slowly, according to our results, playing video games can be a way of distracting yourself from everyday problems and can lead to a positive impact while playing and the feeling of connecting with like-minded people, all of which have led to stress. immediate consolidation value. In the long run, however, spending many hours a day in front of a computer screen can prevent a person from (a) developing and mastering coping strategies, (b) making friends and social support, and (c) showing people off. proper school success, factors that may be harmful to a person. Therefore, distinguishing between short-term and long-term ideas may help us to understand the related relationship of deep video playback.
When is it appropriate to talk about video game addiction? Many researchers have suggested a continuum between engagement (Charlton and Danforth, 2007; Skoric et al., 2009) and pathological / addictive games, rather than the perception of categories. In part, this recommendation was also followed by DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association, 2013) where Internet Gaming Disorder is categorized into different levels of difficulty, from small to medium to severe, according to related functional impairments. AICA-S also allows for a different view of the game's behavior by providing ways to test both the time spent playing video games and the main DSM terms for Internet Gaming Disorder. However, in our study we did not intend to diagnose, but to take a closer look at potentially problematic game behavior and its association with non-medical samples.
Overall, it seems appropriate to examine not only the level of video game usage but also the reasons behind this behavior (e.g., distraction) and the tangible rewards from playing (e.g., the feeling of having a powerful impact while playing action games) to fully understand the relationship between video play and mental performance.
Limitations and Future Directions
With the current research, we aim to reveal the relationship between video playback and mental performance. Our approach was different and required interpretive caution because the relationship could not determine the direction of the cause. It is not yet clear if the games that could be problematic are the factors that contribute to the development of mental retardation or whether mental retardation contributes to the play that can be problematic. Also, a third factor (e.g., pre-existing stress) may produce both psychological and sports problems that may be problematic. Therefore, longitudinal studies designed to identify the causal pathway may provide a promising approach to future research. Future studies may also answer the question of whether the link between video playback and mental performance is handled by gender, age, play reasons, or popular sport. Additionally, it is important not to forget that the current results are based on a sample of your choice where potentially problematic video players were over-exposed (e.g., Festl et al., 2013, for a damaged sample). Therefore, future research should replicate what we found in the injured sample. In addition, we rely on the data they report, which is a plausible way to examine internal issues as people's motives for their behavior, but it would be helpful to base our findings on evidence from sources such as peers, caregivers, and health. experts. Our work illustrates only the first approach to the topic, and future work may collect in-game behavioral data from players (McCreery et al., 2012; Billieux et al., 2013) to investigate more precisely and precisely the various application patterns. . Moreover, one must not forget that the tax applied to classifying video game types is one of the various possible options and one should "think of each game as having several genres at once" (Apperley, 2006, p. 19). Finally, some of the results reported in our paper were modest in size. This is not surprising given the complexity and complexity of human behavior. In our analysis, we fully controlled the effects of sex and age and found evidence that video games played differently in relation to psychological action.
Conclusion
Current research adds to the knowledge of games by revealing specific relationships between video playback and different stages of mental functioning. Potential video playback has been found to be associated with positive impact and social interactions during play but also psychological symptoms, maladaptive coping strategies, negative impact, low self-esteem, loneliness, and poor performance at school. Including players' reasons for playing video games and the types of game they choose to help deepen understanding of the special relationships and differences between video games and mental health. This information can help to develop adequate interventions before the occurrence of a mental disability that may be associated with video play that may be problematic.
Statement of Conduct
In our online survey, participants were given information about voluntary participation, risk, confidentiality / anonymity, and the right to withdraw. Although participants did not sign a separate consent form, the permit was obtained for completion. We have implemented agreed procedures to maintain participant data privacy.
Author Contributions
BB, BE, JH, and KM developed and designed the study. BB, JH, and KM collected and edited the data. JH analyzed the data. BE and JH wrote this manuscript.
Statement of Conflict of Interest
The authors declare that the research was conducted without a commercial or financial relationship that could be interpreted as a potential conflict of interest.
Additional Material
Supplementary Material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.01731/full#supplementary-material
^ Data were collected as part of a larger project (Stopfer et al., 2015; Braun et al., 2016). However, the analysis in the current article does not even exceed the analysis from the previous work.
^ Other measures were used, but they did not comply with current research questions and are not mentioned in this paper. A set of data and analysis text that supports the conclusions of this manuscript can be found at https://osf.io/emrpw/?view_only=856491775efe4f99b407e258c2f2fa8d.
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